Submitted as a guest post by Gauti Jónsson, a student in the Security Studies Program (SSP).
Image Source: Finish Defense Force
In March 2023, leaders of the Nordic air forces of Denmark, Norway, Sweden, and Finland signed a joint declaration to integrate their collective air forces in the coming years. This so-called ‘Air Commanders’ Intent’ aims for these forces to eventually operate seamlessly together to protect their shared air spaces. This includes integration at all levels, from common air radar monitoring, air policing, and operations planning to joint air education, base sharing, and a shared strategic vision over the long term.
This extraordinary level of integration and collaboration between sovereign nations stands as a testament to the Nordics’ commitment to regional security and mutual defense. Even within international alliances like NATO, such a deep integration of multinational forces remains a rarity. The realization of this endeavor would herald a paradigm shift, fundamentally altering the way these Nordic nations approach their airspace security. Instead of acting relatively independently within their own air spaces, they will act as one cohesive military force responsible for the security of an area the size of Brazil.
The Nordic militaries must build upon this initial step of integrated air defense to fully unify their forces across land, air, and sea. As the partnership strengthens, the countries should evolve their unified structure to encompass all domains. Creating a comprehensive, joint Nordic military presents the best path forward to redefine defense cooperation and safeguard the region. The nations should boldly pursue deeper integration, forging a versatile force to protect their shared airspace, waters, coasts, and borders. While challenges exist, the Nordic countries must leverage the foundation laid by this air integration intent to drive further innovation. This unified force will deliver a more united and secure future across the High North through continued regional collaboration and commitment to collective security.
The History of Nordic Cooperation
The history of Nordic cooperation arguably stretches back to the 9th century, but its modern origins can be traced to the interwar years. In 1919, the Nordic Association was established to further Nordic cooperation across governments, academics, and even common citizens. This would yield programs such as Nordjobb, a summer exchange job program for young people in the Nordics that exists to this day. Other cooperation associations, intergovernmental organizations, and unions would later adopt this concept, such as the EU’s Erasmus program.
After the Second World War, Nordic cooperation initiatives became more prevalent. Building upon the same foundations that saw the birth of intergovernmental organizations such as the United Nations, the Nordic Council was founded in 1952. One of its first acts was to establish the Nordic Passport Union, which allows all Nordic passport holders to travel and reside in any other Nordic country without any form of travel documentation. The European Union drew heavy inspiration from this union over 40 years later when it established a broader European free-movement convention, the Schengen Area, in 1995. Other projects spearheaded by the Nordic Council include economic and free trade initiatives such as the European Free Trade Association. These initiatives would eventually become obsolete as the Nordics each slowly joined the European Economic Area.
More radically, several Nordic politicians and political groups, including then Swedish foreign minister Östen Udén, proposed the creation of a Scandinavian Defense Union, with some even calling for a full integration of the Nordic militaries. However, negotiations eventually broke down despite the nations’ consensus on the need for further military cooperation and partnerships in the region. The question of comprehensive military integration was shelved when Norway, Iceland, and Denmark became founding members of NATO in 1949, only to be reopened with the new air integration effort in 2023.
These difficulties have not stopped the Nordics from pursuing smaller-scale military partnerships over the last 30 years. Before the Air Commanders’ Intent, the most ambitious military cooperation program was the Nordic Defense Cooperation (NORDEFCO), which aims to strengthen the member countries’ defense capabilities and identify potential areas of collaboration. However, it has met only limited success, and its most prominent projects have been the joint acquisition of certain small equipment and the creation and (potentially delayed) joint procurement of a new Nordic Combat Uniform.
Therefore, while this postwar history has served as both a precedent and a model for current Nordic and European cooperation efforts, comprehensive military integration has remained a more elusive goal—and until 2023, it represented one of the few avenues of cooperation that the Nordic countries have neglected to explore extensively, beyond surface-level joint and combined exercises and small-scale procurement efforts.
So what changed? The 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine has likely been a catalyst for a reexamination of this lack of military integration. Although no concrete steps have been taken thus far, the concept seems to be present in the minds of some senior military officials of the four nations, as evidenced by the Air Commanders’ Intent. Suppose similar experiments such as the integration of Dutch and German land forces prove successful. In that case, the Nordic countries may attempt to extend their experiment beyond the air components. This presents an opportunity for example, in 2024, as Norway’s traditional “Cold Response” exercise will expand to a much broader “Nordic Response” exercise with the integration of Finland and Sweden into NATO.
The Case for a Joint Nordic Military
Trendlines are pointing toward deeper integration, but would a fully integrated Joint Nordic Military be a good idea? Given the geopolitical environment, there are certainly many benefits.
The primary, if unwritten, adversary of the Nordic countries is Russia. This was especially solidified after Finland’s ascension to NATO and Sweden’s bid to join the alliance following Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine. The Russian Bear’s aggressiveness and overt encroachments both in the air and at sea have represented a constant threat for the Nordics, even in the post-Soviet era. Now, the Nordic countries may finally have an opportunity to level the playing field without relying on external NATO allies.
By merging their armed forces, the Nordics would effectively force any other nation operating in their immediate region (especially in the Arctic, which is increasingly contested) to readjust their perspectives and recalculate any intended military activities. Instead of incurring minor airspace violations against three comparatively small neighbors (four if you count violations over Greenland), Russia would be provoking a much larger unified force. Two or three violations per nation per month can be written off as accidents against each; twelve violations cannot.
This strategic calculus can also extend to Nordic countries’ naval capabilities. Separately, the Nordic navies are relatively small, with most having fewer than 10 destroyer-size ships each. That number sums up to almost 50 total destroyers and corvettes and eight submarines. Any country intending to operate in the North, Arctic, and Baltic Seas will have to be acutely aware of the large naval force that considers these regions their home turf.
Of course, Nordic membership in NATO represents its own inherent deterrent. But this does not necessarily translate to a credible deterrent, interoperable forces, or joint reaction capability. In September 2023, Norwegian officials reported that they had observed up to an 80% decrease in Russian force strength on their border over the previous year. This may indicate that Russia does not consider Norway, or tangentially NATO, a credible threat to their current physical security. Many of these Russian units, including air defense systems, have probably been sent into combat in Ukraine. This poses the question of whether Russia’s defense calculus may have yielded a different result if they saw themselves bordering one integrated military force of four nations on their northwest border rather than multiple smaller ones.
Finally, although the Nordic countries are not world-leading military forces by themselves, each holds specific competencies of world-class quality. For example, Sweden has developed an incredibly impressive domestic military-industrial complex for its size, with a legacy that dates back to the First World War. This industry extends to all theaters of war, including land, sea, air, and even cyber and hybrid threats. On the other hand, Norway has an incredibly robust and advanced intelligence service that has garnered a considerable reputation despite its relatively small size. As a testament to Norway’s capabilities, a former principal-level U.S. intelligence official recently stated that they would choose Norway if they were to invite any country to join the renowned Five Eyes intelligence alliance. Denmark, Finland, and even Iceland also hold unique competencies. An integrated Nordic military force would allow these countries to benefit and learn from each other’s competencies in a larger forum while remaining under the same command and training structure. Utilizing these competencies—either across this integrated force or within smaller, appropriate force structures—will likely elevate the rest of the integrated force, making them one of the leading militaries in Europe and a particularly thorny challenge to Russia.
Challenges and Constraints
Despite the Nordic states’ historical record of cooperation, there are key impediments to establishing a Joint Nordic Military. The policies of these countries may seem identical from an outside perspective, and they often follow a similar theme. Still, the way they are enforced, enacted, and realized are very different. On the military front, for example, Denmark, Sweden, Norway, and Finland all have policies of mandatory military service. However, rules for exemptions, length of service, roles allotted to conscripts, and other matters differ from country to country. The same goes for policies that will cause more tension between the nations during a potential integration process, including budgetary policies, intelligence authorities, and overall strategic alignment.
Should this concept of an integrated Nordic military be realized, the question of who leads this union remains. Although on paper, the Nordic nations would share control of the integrated military force, that would still require them to relinquish some control to a higher authority, including placing troops and units under the command of someone of a different nationality. This has long been the predominant debate in any discussion regarding creating a European army. There, the opposing voices of Germany and France dominate the debate as each tries to assert itself as the leading military power in Europe upon which all others should base themselves and, therefore, follow without question. This has contributed to significant inertia on this issue over decades without any progress.
This discomfort with relinquishing control is a difficult barrier to overcome. But, for the integrated force to become a reality, it is a necessary step to which all participating nations must accustom themselves. In an ideal scenario, all forces would be hom*ogeneously integrated, with ground units, ships, and air components all having members of all the different nations represented (in an unforced manner). Realistically, however, each country’s military forces will probably be divided between national defense forces under the sovereign control of each nation and a more professional integrated force or rapid reaction unit that has a more diverse array of troops and is more suited, both in terms of policy and training, for foreign deployments.
Finally, fine-detail matters – such as compartmentalization of data, intelligence collection policies, procurement, and investments require further discussion, as each nation likely has its own ideas for how they should be conducted. As with the policy details discussed above, the simple answer is almost certainly that these aspects would need to be discussed individually and then together before an eventual formal compromise is established.
The Path Forward
In the coming months and years, each Nordic country will need to hold important discussions, both separately and together, on their future strategic visions—including in their immediate region and beyond to operating environments like the Arctic and Baltics. This all falls in the shadow of a Russian threat that has become ever more tangible than ever in the eyes of most Nordic citizens. Therefore, although this concept of a unified Nordic armed force may seem a distant fantasy to many, the reality is that plans are already underway to make it more plausible.
While the journey towards such an integrated alliance is fraught with intricate challenges and geopolitical considerations, the simple idea of a unified Nordic military may herald a fundamental change in the security mindset of Northern Europe. The complexities of aligning command hierarchies, streamlining operational protocols, and navigating the nuanced balance between safeguarding individual national identities and advancing shared security objectives loom large. Yet, history illustrates the Nordic nations’ capacity to surmount obstacles and unite for collective aspirations repeatedly.
